Summary
Approved in 2017, Portland’s 2035 Comprehensive Plan is the most significant update to the city’s land use and zoning since its last comprehensive plan in 1980. In addition to modernizing the city’s zoning code, the plan identifies needed investments in transportation, open space, climate infrastructure, economic development, urban design, and public facilities. In this way, the plan synchronizes city processes and capital needs to ensure that Portland’s growth is guided holistically.

Portland is projected to add approximately 260,000 residents by 2035. The plan intends for 50 percent of this growth to occur in “Neighborhood Centers” and “Corridors” and 30 percent to happen in the City Center. The Neighborhood and Civic Corridors identified in the plan are wide commercial strips that will be upzoned to allow for larger mixed-use buildings and redesigned with pedestrian safety improvements. The city is also greening these corridors and creating a larger network of “Greenways” and “Urban Habitat Corridors” to provide ecosystems for wildlife and connect residents in denser neighborhoods to nature.

Key Takeaways
New York City does not practice comprehensive planning in the conventional sense. The Mayor’s Office of Climate & Environmental Justice manages a high-level strategic plan (One NYC 2050), while most citywide plans are published by City agencies in their respective policy areas. The Department of Transportation’s (DOT) Streets Plan, for example, identifies priority investment areas while the Department of Environmental Protection’s (DEP) green infrastructure and cloudburst programs aim to improve stormwater resiliency beyond its 12,000 existing assets, the largest in the nation. Land use, meanwhile, is broadly monitored in accordance with the Zoning Resolution. Amid these many plans and documents are different sets of priorities, budgets, project schedules, and capital commitments.

While not a panacea, MAS has long called for New York City to create a citywide comprehensive plan to proactively manage growth and pair zoning and capital needs. A key aspect is the balance of institutional goals with community visions through partnerships, engagement, and capacity building with community representatives to facilitate long-term collaboration and commitment. New York City has numerous arterial roads that are lined with parking lots, fast food drive-throughs, self-storage facilities, and other relatively low value land uses that are missed opportunities to add needed housing, parks, and community facilities. In the last decade, the City has taken a relatively ad hoc and top-down approach to redeveloping these corridors. As a result, several of its plans have faced stiff community backlash or have been shelved altogether due to a lack of local buy-in, though recent plans for Atlantic Avenue and Utica Avenue in Brooklyn and Northern Boulevard and Woodside Avenue in Queens have involved more robust community engagement.

Recognizing this, the Department of City Planning’s (DCP) recently approved City of Yes for Housing Opportunity zoning text amendment offers incremental, citywide zoning changes to gradually densify underutilized commercial corridors and transit-rich areas across the five boroughs. At the same time, several City Council members have initiated their own corridor visioning efforts because of a desire among their constituents to chart a new future for the arterials that have physically divided their districts. New York City also appointed its first Chief Public Realm Officer, an initial step to coordinating the complex interactions between agencies and stakeholders in city streets, plazas, and open spaces. While positive steps, such corridor initiatives could be advanced more effectively if they were incorporated in a citywide comprehensive plan, envisioned and developed by New Yorkers, that has a strategy for coordination between agencies, stakeholders, and project timelines.

Summary
In the late 1950s, homes in Lincoln Avenue, one of New Rochelle’s historically African American neighborhoods, were bulldozed to make way for the construction of Memorial Highway, which was intended to connect Interstate 95 to the Hutchinson River and Cross County Parkways. That vision was never realized beyond the project’s first phase, effectively resulting in a “road to nowhere.”

Today, the approximately 100-foot-wide, limited-access boulevard consists of six high-speed traffic lanes that act as a barrier between neighborhood streets to the east and west. Created by the Lincoln Avenue Task Force with community input, the LINC project proposes to turn the thoroughfare into a linear park and market plaza by reducing vehicle lanes to three (one each way plus a turning lane) and adding eight acres of green space, bike lanes, and safer pedestrian crossings. The proposal also includes an upzoning along Memorial Highway and adjacent streets to create more affordable and market rate housing on sites that were hollowed out by the highway’s construction. The project has received more than $34 million in funding from New York State’s Downtown Revitalization Initiative and the U.S. Department of Transportation’s RAISE and Reconnecting Communities and Neighborhoods grant programs. Work is scheduled to begin in 2025 and is expected to take two years to complete.

Key Takeaways
The LINC project is notably comprehensive and ambitious in its vision for a complete street redesign, mixed-income housing development, and expansion of green infrastructure and open space. While it is enabled by a unique infusion of federal funding, LINC nonetheless serves as a model for New York City, where most arterial corridors are also 100 feet wide but rarely experience this level of attention and aspiration.

Certain corridors come to mind as candidates for this type of reinvention in New York City, assuming a certain level of community support and political will. Houston Street, for example, which was widened in the 1950’s as part of Robert Moses’ unfulfilled vision to strengthen its connection to the Holland Tunnel, features a right-of-way with significant space and potential, especially to the east where it passes through the Baruch and Wald NYCHA developments and connects to East River Park. Thousands of residents have been evicted over the course of Houston Street’s history and evolution, underscoring the need for contemporary planning to mitigate past wrongs. Today, portions of the corridor are being revisited for streetscape improvements, including protected bike lanes, and connectivity to other key corridors. LINC can also inform ongoing projects in New York City that are part of the same federal funding pool, including redesigns of the Brooklyn-Queens and Cross-Bronx Expressways, both of which have similar racial and displacement histories.

Summary
Originally laid out in 1859, Passeig de St. Joan became a major corridor in Barcelona’s Ensanche neighborhood as the community expanded beyond the city’s old walls. In the 20th century, the approximately 165-foot-wide wide boulevard was dedicated almost exclusively to cars. However, with the revitalization of Barcelona in the 1990s, the city began to transform its streets and other public spaces into places for pedestrians and cyclists. Barcelona now has an ambitious plan for “superblocks” prioritizing car-free public spaces across one-third of the city’s streets and the creation of “urban green corridors” to increase ecological and social connectivity along major avenues.

In 2014, Passeig de St. Joan became one of the city’s first completed green corridor projects. The removal of two car lanes freed space for a wider, two-way protected bike path, bus lanes, and a nearly fifteen-foot-wide swath of trees, shrubs, and other plants on both sides of the street. To improve rainwater filtration into the ground near existing trees, cement was replaced with decorative bricks and exposed soil. Today, Passeig de St. Joan is a popular gathering place with sidewalk cafes, benches, and playgrounds nestled within an expansive tree canopy.

Key Takeaways
Passeig de St. Joan demonstrates how space for vehicle traffic can be redesigned for greater social and economic vitality through green infrastructure and landscaping. The removal of extraneous car lanes unlocks significant space for trees that provide cooling and improve air quality, rain gardens that absorb floodwater and return it to the soil, and public spaces that reconnect residents to the city. Although additional sustainability features like solar light fixtures and sky plane illumination protection would go even further, Passeig de St. Joan is no longer an environmental and safety liability but a linear park, multi-mobility corridor, and a crucial piece of resiliency infrastructure.

New York City has similar models in its historic and highly vegetated Eastern and Ocean Parkways—both of which are significantly wider than Passeig de St. Joan—and ongoing efforts to remake Broadway and Fifth and Park Avenues. It also has a Stormwater Greenstreet program for redesigning streets in areas with low pedestrian traffic to increase permeability and stormwater absorption. Arguably most relevant is DOT’s Great Streets initiative, which transforms roads known for inaccessibility and traffic accidents by adding bike lanes, pedestrian islands, and other safety elements. The initiative is limited in scale, however, and has met infrastructural, maintenance, and political challenges when it comes to lane repurposing for trees and non-vehicular uses.

According to the Office of the Mayor, by 2027 the Department of Parks and Recreation (NYC Parks) expects to plant a tree in every viable location in the most heat-vulnerable neighborhoods, which means the City will have to become more creative and ambitious in how it greens its public space. It may require revisiting and relaxing landscape clearance requirements for the right-of-way, but will certainly merit scaling up and retooling programs like Great Streets into their next iteration—ones more boldly focused on repurposing car lanes for greenways, vegetation, and other non-vehicular uses and incorporate a maintenance plan to ensure their continued success.

Summary
The City of El Monte, in Los Angeles County, recently transformed a 0.2-mile residential stretch of Merced Avenue into a linear park. Before reconstruction, the street—which is a key north-south artery through El Monte—was nearly 80 feet wide with significant underutilized space, having been configured for four oversized traffic and parking lanes in an area with significant off-street parking. Beginning in 2018, the city conducted community workshops, walking tours, and completed a survey to tailor the park to local needs.

The park exhibits new drought-tolerant trees and shrubs, permeable surfaces, and places to sit and exercise as requested by most survey respondents. While the park alone is relatively small, it will be part of the larger Merced Avenue Greenway, a 1.1-mile-long project that will connect residents to two of Los Angeles County’s natural areas, Whittier Narrows Recreation Area and the Rio Hondo.

Key Takeaways
Merced Avenue Linear Park is evidence of how underutilized and one-dimensional many street rights-of-way are and the advantages of strengthening their vitality as places. It also underscores the need to prioritize ecological and recreational connectivity in project planning.

Merced Avenue Linear Park also shows that lower density, car-dependent neighborhoods desire substantial change to their thoroughfares. New York City’s outer boroughs contain numerous arterial medians and service roads that could be retrofitted with a linear park in the spirit of Merced Avenue. Francis Lewis Boulevard in eastern Queens, for example, traverses primarily low- and medium-density residential areas with limited open space, while the road itself has comparatively lower traffic volumes than other arterials and a 15-20 foot wide median in places. If equipped with a bike lane, it would connect residents to Idlewild Park and Jamaica Bay to the south, through Cunningham Park and the necklace of open spaces to Flushing Meadows Corona Park, and ultimately to Fort Totten Park and the Long Island Sound to the north. Francis Lewis Boulevard would effectively become a linear extension of the parks it connects to. In a city that desperately needs interior, non-waterfront greenways, it would also be a critical link between the planned Queens Waterfront and Southern Queens Greenways.

Summary
Seattle Green Factor (SGF) is a scoring system added to the city’s building code in 2006 that requires new public and private developments to include a minimum level of green infrastructure. The “Green Factor” scores from 0 to 1, with 1 being a building with significant green infrastructure. SGF applies to most of the city’s zoning districts, and depending on the district, the minimum score varies from 0.3 to 0.6.

SGF is intended to increase the amount and improve the quality of landscaping in new development to manage stormwater, mitigate heat, expand habitat, and beautify neighborhoods. Developers can choose from a range of options that award credits, such as rain gardens, vegetated walls, green roofs, permeable paving, and food gardens. Credits are weighted by the area of green infrastructure installation and by function and aesthetics, which encourages a layering of solutions and more lushly planted designs. For example, a tree with a large canopy and an understory of plants is worth more credits than a smaller individual tree. Credits are awarded for landscaping on the development parcel and in the public right-of-way, and additional credits are given for landscapes that are visible to the public. Since its inception, the program has become a model for other cities like Washington, D.C. and Portland, Oregon.

Key Takeaways
SGF is akin to past MAS recommendations for a Special Environmental Performance District zoning tool in New York City that would award points for sustainable building standards that developers would be required to meet. While SGF applies throughout much of the city, a version of the program could easily be piloted or adapted to development parcels along major street corridors in New York City, which are some of the hottest, most impervious, and least green spaces within the five boroughs. The program’s right-of-way credits could be even more impactful if New York City established vegetation coverage targets for its streets and expanded its citywide pavement conditions rating system to measure the sustainability of its streets using factors like the availability of bike lanes and green infrastructure.

New York City took a step in the right direction by approving the City of Yes for Carbon Neutrality (COYCN) zoning text amendment in 2023, which encourages more energy efficient building renovations, permeable paving and rain gardens, bicycle parking, and EV chargers in commercial parts of the city. It complements Local Laws 92, 94, and 97, which collectively limit building carbon emissions and require green roofs or solar photovoltaic electricity generating systems for new and significantly modified buildings. However, neither COYCN nor Local Laws 92, 94, or 97 require the physical greening of land beyond the City’s standard street tree planting mandate for building frontages. Multiagency jurisdictions on streets and sidewalks also hinder the speed and cost of implementation. Establishing a green area ratio standard for New York City would give developers and designers flexibility while ensuring the greening of the city’s largely paved-over properties, sidewalks, and medians.

Summary
The Affordable Housing and High Road Jobs Act of 2022 (also known as AB 2011) is a new California law that incentivizes affordable and mixed-income housing along transit-friendly commercial corridors through a streamlined environmental review process provided that certain affordability, labor, and environmental criteria are met. While the law saves developers time and money, they are required to set aside at least 15% of units as affordable for mixed-income developments that aren’t 100% affordable.

The widely supported law is intended to revitalize wide arterial corridors with underutilized parking lots and struggling strip mall retail while simultaneously addressing State housing and climate goals. AB 2011 waived parking requirements while stipulating minimum and maximum building densities dictated by street width and proximity to transit. By creating denser, mixed-use places along multi-modal transit boulevards, AB 2011 aims to repair and enhance communities while avoiding displacing existing housing.

The law is expected to accelerate production of approximately two million housing units in the coming years. An independent analysis conducted by Urban Footprint and Economic & Planning Systems found that AB 2011 could produce 300,000 to 400,000 income-restricted affordable homes while increasing local and state tax revenues. In Los Angeles, a developer is already taking advantage to build an 800-unit complex above a Costco warehouse, 180 units of which will be for low-income households. According to the analysis, households along redeveloped commercial corridors would use 40% less water, drive 33% fewer miles, and produce up to 45% fewer greenhouse gas emissions.

Key Takeaways
Under Mayor Eric Adams, New York City implemented similar measures through the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity (COYHO) zoning reform and Green Fast Track for Housing, a recently approved rule to incentivize housing through streamlined environmental review.

COYHO relegalizes buildings with two- to four-stories of housing above commercial ground floors in low-density commercial districts, as well as modest apartment buildings in low-density residence districts near rail and subway stations. Its Universal Affordability Preference (UAP) provides developers with a 20% floor area bonus in exchange for making those extra units affordable. Green Fast Track exempts small and medium-sized housing projects from the city’s Environmental Quality Review (CEQR) process, with the primary environmental requirements being that buildings must use all-electric heating systems and be built outside Special Coastal Risk Districts. Green Fast Track has no affordability requirements.

New York City is moving in the right direction, although both programs leave the decision to build affordable housing in the hands of developers and continue the tradition of using increased building heights as the incentive. Moreover, COYHO’s focus on modest density increases in commercial centers and around rail and subway stations means that swaths of wide arterial corridors with dedicated bus and bike lanes will not see significant new density even though they may be able to support it. If the city is going to achieve Mayor Adams’s goal of 500,000 new housing units in a decade and create the transit-oriented ribbons of density that California envisions along its underutilized commercial corridors, it will need more ambitious local zoning changes paired with State incentives like 485-x.

Summary
Minnesota and Colorado are the first two states to enact statewide fees for retail deliveries, the funds from which are used to pay for road maintenance and transportation infrastructure such as highways, bridges, tunnels, and electric vehicle charging stations. Minnesota’s fee (50 cents, enacted in 2022) only applies to retail transactions of more than $100 from high-volume sellers, whereas Colorado’s (29 cents, enacted in 2023) applies to all retail transactions.

The states justify the fees on the grounds that delivery companies are increasing wear and tear on roads and other transportation infrastructure without paying for the cost of maintaining them. They are also seeking to make up for declining gas tax revenues with the growth of electric vehicles. Both fees follow legislation pioneered by Colorado and adopted in Minnesota requiring their respective state transportation agencies to demonstrate how new transportation projects would help reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Since enacted, Colorado’s retail fee has raised over $160 million and Minnesota’s is projected to generate $59 million during its first year.

Key Takeaways
New York City has seen a dramatic increase in deliveries since the pandemic. During its first two years, the number of daily package deliveries jumped from 1.8 million to 2.3 million, increasing to 3.7 million if food and grocery deliveries are included. The impacts can be felt on city streets, from maintenance costs associated with the need for more frequent repaving to logistical problems among trucks, cargo bikes, and delivery vans competing for space. In response, DOT is piloting a Blue Highways program to deliver more freight by barge, Microhub and Cargo Bike programs to consolidate and decarbonize deliveries, and Smart Curbs and Off-Hour Deliveries programs to decongest streets during peak hours. The passage of congestion pricing and a forthcoming redesign of New York City’s truck route network have the potential to further improve the efficiency of the city’s freight delivery system.

As important as these efforts are, they do not address the financial impact of deliveries— the vehicles’ wear and tear on city streets. In 2023, State Senator Andrew Gounardes proposed a 25-cent online retail delivery fee for New York City that would have enabled investments in alternatives to roadway freight and funded the repair of the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway. In the same year, he also introduced a bill to reduce annual vehicle miles traveled (VMT) within the state by 20% by the year 2050, including requiring that highway planning analyze and mitigate potential increases in VMT. Both are yet to be enacted.

Passing the bills—which have the support of transportation and environmental advocates—would be a boon for the city’s crumbling vehicular infrastructure, especially the arterial streets that carry the bulk of the city’s truck and automobile traffic. The retail delivery bill could be expanded further to help New York City maintain its growing network of micromobility lanes, with a potential fee structure that incentivizes deliveries by bike and other energy-efficient modes.

Summary
Corredores Verdes (Green Corridors) is an initiative by the municipal government of Medellín, Colombia to cool the city and improve air quality by planting vegetation along major thoroughfares. Since 2016, Corredores Verdes has planted 2.5 million small plants (bushes, grasses, and flowers) and 880,000 trees in the medians and on the sidewalks of 30 of the city’s largest roads. Since the program’s launch, the city’s average temperature has decreased by two to three degrees Celsius and it has seen the return of native birds, lizards, bats, and insects.

After investing $16 million to redesign its roads, the city developed an innovative maintenance program called Citizen Gardeners. With an annual budget of only $625,000, the program hired 75 people from disadvantaged backgrounds and partnered with the local Antonio Uribe Botanical Garden to train them to be professional gardeners. These gardeners work with volunteers in neighborhoods across the city to maintain the Corredores Verdes.

Corredores Verdes’ success made it a model for cities across Latin America. Bogotá, Colombia has turned Carrera Septima, its principal pedestrian street, into a green corridor. In Monterrey, Mexico, the mayor has proposed a network of 18 green corridors across the notoriously car-centric city. Both Monterrey and Bogotá experienced rapid, car-centric growth in the second half of the 20th century, creating environments that were hostile to pedestrians and choked with smog. Now, following Medellín’s lead, these cities are cooling and cleaning their air by returning space to pedestrians and nature.

Key Takeaways
New York City’s Great Streets program has involved smaller scale median planting efforts along thoroughfares like Atlantic Avenue in Brooklyn and Grand Concourse in the Bronx, and other beautification efforts have occurred along streets like Jackson Avenue in Long Island City where business improvement districts exist. More ambitious projects like the widening of the Park Avenue malls and the pedestrian-oriented redesign of Fifth Avenue also reflect the spirit of Corredores Verdes. Overall, however, New York City has not undertaken an effort to physically green its major corridors with the intention and scale of Medellín.

This may be partly explained by how each city maintains its right-of-way vegetation. In Medellín, Citizen Gardeners is a relatively cost-effective, centralized program that provides job opportunities to the city’s most disadvantaged citizens. In New York City, the responsibility of caring for trees and other vegetation in the right-of-way is split between NYC Parks, which manages about 53% of the city’s urban forest, other city agencies like DOT and DEP, and partner contractors like The Horticultural Society of New York. The Horticultural Society, through a $27 million contract with the City, currently provides maintenance, operations, and horticultural care for 30 plazas, 25 open streets, and a number of other public spaces in underserved parts of the city. Reminiscent of Medellín’s Citizen Gardeners program, the Horticultural Society also has a workforce development program that provides paid, 40-hour per week job training to New Yorkers from disadvantaged backgrounds. Even still, these combined resources have not been consistently budgeted and are insufficient to meet current needs, as only 16 percent of New York City’s urban forest is considered healthy.

To its credit, NYC Parks has been cutting tree planting costs and has launched an in-house tree planting team to reduce expenses and speed delivery. However, New York City is not going to dramatically expand its urban forest if it cannot care for it, meaning that maintenance programs and funding will need to be scaled up. It must also deepen partnerships with groups like the RAIN Coalition, which are studying more sustainable maintenance models. Building maintenance costs into capital funding processes would further ensure that public spaces do not fall into disrepair after being built.

Summary
Tegelwippen ("tile whipping") is an annual contest in The Netherlands in which more than 100 municipalities compete to have residents remove the most tile pavers or other hard surfaces from private patios, public sidewalks, and street medians. The local governments lead this citizen engagement process by providing tools and organizing tile flipping events throughout the duration of the competition. Most municipalities will transport the tiles away for free to be recycled, and some also include free plants that residents can locate in place of the tiles. Since the initiative began during Covid, more than 11 million tiles have been removed, equivalent to about 245 acres.

In the U.S., most streets, sidewalks, and parking lots are covered with concrete and asphalt, not tiles. The mission of Depave, a non-profit based in Portland, Oregon, is to tear up as much impermeable surface as possible in the urban environment. In its 16 years of existence, Depave has undertaken 80 projects across Portland schoolyards, churches, and community spaces where pavement has been removed and replaced with gardens. The group estimates that its efforts have diverted approximately 24.5 million gallons of rainwater from entering storm drains each year. It has inspired municipalities across the world to undertake their own de-pave efforts, including affiliates in Chicago, Nashville, and several other U.S. cities.

Key Takeaways
Both Tegelwippen and Depave demonstrate the collective impact of small-scale efforts when citizens are empowered and incentivized by an organizing body—be it government or a nonprofit—to take the greening of the city into their hands. In New York City, NYC Parks, the Department of Education, and the Trust for Public Land are collaborating to plant trees and install green infrastructure at impervious schoolyards, many of which are located along hot and polluted arterials. However, the city does not have the same grassroots movement as Portland or the level of shared civic responsibility around greening that exists in The Netherlands.

As the pandemic proved, however, extraordinary civic energy and engagement are possible in New York City. After the City placed a few movable barricades at street intersections to prevent cars from entering, neighborhood volunteers quicky organized to better manage and program these closed blocks for exercise, block parties, gardening, and other community purposes. Four years later, most of these open streets still exist and community organizing has galvanized permanent capital investments in places like Jackson Heights and other neighborhoods where there is the capacity to organize.

Activating the public is critical because so much of the city’s impervious surface lies within small private courtyards, many of which are in fact covered with tile pavers. Recognizing this, groups like ODA have put forward proposals for activating the interior courtyards of buildings with ground floor retail and vegetation in neighborhoods like Manhattan’s Flower District. Moreover, New York City’s property owners are responsible for the sidewalk in front of their property. If every property owner removed just a few courtyard tiles or were incentivized to green a portion of the sidewalk in sanctioned locations, it could have a noticeable impact. Grassroots efforts are especially needed to complement the city’s existing tools, like tax abatement incentives for green roofs, as well as potential programs like Green Factor that are largely tailored to future development.

Summary
Hennepin County, Minnesota is undertaking an infrastructure project that will, by 2030, extend an existing light rail line by 13.4 miles, connecting Downtown Minneapolis to 13 other locations in the greater Minneapolis-St. Paul metropolitan area. As part of the planning process, a community-led Anti-Displacement Working Group (ADWG) was convened to guide a research and policy agenda for identifying displacement risk indicators and strategies for mitigating project-related impacts, by jurisdiction. Among the working group’s recommendations are tenant opportunity to purchase, a land disposition policy, rent stabilization, land trusts, and cultural placekeeping. In June 2024, the state legislature appropriated $10 million for the funding of a new anti-displacement program, renewed annually through 2030 under the condition that matching funds are secured.

Key Takeaways
Fallout from “green gentrification,” whereby environmental initiatives like new parks and green infrastructure raise local property values and exacerbate unaffordability, is a common refrain in communities contending with housing costs and other drivers of displacement, even as they are in dire need of infrastructural investment. In a survey of existing research on green gentrification, the Trust for Public Land observed that risks can compound from a number of interconnected factors, including the size of greenspace, private investments, and proximity to public transit. Preventing gentrification and displacement along newly greened arterials is especially important, as many long-time residents who have suffered from the health consequences of these corridors are the ones who most stand to benefit from their being safer and more livable.

New York City has already identified relative displacement risk by neighborhood in its Equitable Development Data Explorer (EDDE), which visualizes risk based on three factors: population vulnerability, housing conditions, and market pressure. However, this information is only required to inform projects of a certain size that undergo a change in zoning.

In guiding the ADWG, the University of Minnesota’s Center for Urban & Regional Affairs noted that anti-displacement efforts can only be effective with sufficient funding, technical assistance, and accountability. In other words, analysis tools like EDDE and EquityNYC must be paired with community anti-displacement programs that execute specific and funded policy measures to ensure residents can remain in place. New York City must also look beyond rezonings as the only trigger for displacement risk analysis and mitigation. The Interborough Express, linear parks, and other major corridor projects are an opportunity to demonstrate that transportation and streetscape improvements can happen without validating resident fears about the externalities of neighborhood investment.